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A Phenomenological Photovoice Exploration of Female A Phenomenological Photovoice Exploration of Female Exercisers’ Experiences of their Body in Fitness Center Environments Katherine E. Fairhurst West Virginia University, kefairhurst@mix.wvu.edu Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the Health Psychology Commons, Public Health Education and Promotion Commons, Sports Studies Commons, and the Women's Health Commons Recommended Citation Fairhurst, Katherine E., "A Phenomenological Photovoice Exploration of Female Exercisers’ Experiences of their Body in Fitness Center Environments" (2020). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 7546. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/7546 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact researchrepository@mail.wvu.edu. A Phenomenological Photovoice Exploration of Female Exercisers’ Experiences of their Body in Fitness Center Environments Katherine E. Fairhurst Dissertation submitted to the College of Physical Activity and Sport Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy in Kinesiology Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology Dana Voelker, Ph.D., Chair Sam Zizzi, Ed.D. Monica Leppma, Ph.D. Christy Greenleaf, Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Department of Sport Sciences Morgantown, WV 2020 Keywords: Exercise Environment, Physical Activity, Embodiment, Body Image, Qualitative Copyright 2020 Katherine Fairhurst ABSTRACT A Phenomenological Photovoice Exploration of Female Exercisers’ Experiences of their Body in Fitness Center Environments Katherine E. Fairhurst For many women, the relationship with their body and exercise is complex. Exercise can have positive effects on body image, however, not all women appear to benefit positively from all types of exercise. To date, body image research has focused on exercise as an activity and less so on the context in which exercise is performed. Women frequently exercise in fitness centers as young adults which, unfortunately, is associated with body dissatisfaction. Using an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) approach with Photovoice methodology, we explored young adult women’s lived body experiences while exercising in fitness centers. A purposive sample of 11 women (Mage= 21.9 years) completed a two-phase study: (1) a two-week photography period and (2) a 60-90-minute, photo-elicited interview via Skype™. Three identified themes pertained to the sociocultural fitness setting, participants’ fitness experiences, and how participants navigated their ‘place’ while exercising in fitness centers. Participants experienced a segregated fitness center environment driven by gender, the absence of female representation on machines, and “no place for women” in weightlifting areas. Interestingly, these negative experiences were buffered by self-compassion-based textual messages on walls and mirrors and dress codes which encouraged a harmonious relationship with their body while exercising. In light of these experiences, participants shared negotiating strategies (e.g., seeking private sub-spaces, challenging gender norms). This study elucidates the complexity of body experiences for young adult women in fitness settings and informs the development of exercise spaces that empower women to build a healthy relationship with their body through exercise. BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my family, friends, and mentors who have helped me through every hill and valley of this process – my gratitude for your support is endless. I thank Dr. Dana Voelker for challenging my insecurities, reaffirming my capabilities when my imposter syndrome reared its ugly head, and her constant reminders to take charge of my process. I am grateful for her unwavering standard of excellence and I could not be more appreciative of her guidance. I thank my committee members, Dr. Sam Zizzi who helped me keep healthy perspective and challenged me in my approach to the research, Dr. Monica Leppma who reminded me of the importance of self-compassion and self-acceptance, not only in the research but with myself, and Dr. Christy Greenleaf, who’s early enthusiasm and support for my project gave me the confidence to jump all in. Thank you to Karly Casanave, a fellow graduate student, for her commitment and perspective – from the first time she expressed interest in contributing to this project to the final draft, the quality of the research has been elevated ten-fold because of her contribution. I would also like to thank Melinda Gallagher and Candice Brown, two research assistants whose skills far surpassed that of undergraduates – I’m grateful for your passion, commitment, and hunger to learn. Thank you to my colleagues and peers who read drafts, provided feedback, gave pep talks, and gave me the space to feel the full range of emotions that comes with the dissertation process; thank you Carra Johnson, Sofia Espana Perez, Matt Gonzalez, Adam Hansell, Dr. Robert Hilliard, Dr. Erika Van Dyke, Seth Swary, Bill Way, Dr. Zenzi Huysmans, Tommy Minkler, and Blake Costalupas. As a final thank you, I thank my family. My parents, Barry and Lise, they are the foundation of who I am as a person, woman, helper, and giver. The Garretts, Gary and Melissa, who stepped in and adopted me into their family, took care of me and loved me when my family was far away. Shane, who has been by my side through it all. He was a source of unconditional love and late-night motivational speeches. He believed in me more than I did and made me laugh Every. Single. Day. BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS iv Table of Contents A Phenomenological Photovoice Exploration of Female Exercisers’ Experiences of their Body in Fitness Center Environments .......................................................................................................... 1 Methods and Materials ................................................................................................................ 4 Participants .............................................................................................................................. 5 The Interviewer ........................................................................................................................ 6 Procedure ................................................................................................................................. 7 Data Analysis ........................................................................................................................... 9 Trustworthiness ..................................................................................................................... 10 Results and Discussion .............................................................................................................. 12 The Fitness Setting through a Sociocultural Lens ................................................................. 12 The Fitness Experience .......................................................................................................... 15 Navigating Their ‘Place’ ....................................................................................................... 25 Conclusions and Implications ................................................................................................... 30 Appendix A: Extended Introduction ............................................................................................. 41 Basic Assumptions .................................................................................................................... 41 Limitations of the Study ............................................................................................................ 41 Definition of Terms ................................................................................................................... 43 Appendix B: Extended Methods ................................................................................................... 45 Interpretative Phenomenological Study Design ........................................................................ 45 Phenomenology as a theoretical lens ..................................................................................... 45 Hermeneutic phenomenology ................................................................................................ 46 The role of the body in the social world ................................................................................ 47 Phenomenology as a methodology ........................................................................................ 48 Researcher positionality ........................................................................................................ 49 Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis ............................................................................ 51 PhotoVoice approach within phenomenology ....................................................................... 52 Study Setting ............................................................................................................................. 52 Recruitment ............................................................................................................................... 54 Recruitment Flyer ...................................................................................................................... 56 Cover Letter............................................................................................................................... 57 Initial Phone Interview .............................................................................................................. 59 Photography Log Book ............................................................................................................. 63 BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS v Photo Retrieval Process ............................................................................................................. 64 Skype™ Interview Guide .......................................................................................................... 66 Appendix D: Case Summaries ...................................................................................................... 68 Case Summary: P1 (Sam) ......................................................................................................... 68 Case Summary: P2 (Lex) .......................................................................................................... 72 Case Summary: P3 (Bri) ........................................................................................................... 75 Case Summary: P4 (Emi) .......................................................................................................... 79 Case Summary: P5 (Amy)......................................................................................................... 81 Case Summary: P6 (Ali) ........................................................................................................... 85 Case Summary: P7 (Mya) ......................................................................................................... 88 Case Summary: P8 (Eve) .......................................................................................................... 92 Case Summary: P9 (Zoe) .......................................................................................................... 95 Case Summary: P10 (Ann) ........................................................................................................ 97 Case Summary: P11 (Kay) ........................................................................................................ 99 Appendix D: Extended Literature Review .................................................................................. 102 Body Image ............................................................................................................................. 102 Body Image and Sociocultural Pressures ............................................................................ 104 Body Pressures in Sport ....................................................................................................... 108 Body Pressures in Exercise Contexts .................................................................................. 117 Fitness center environments .................................................................................................... 128 Summary .............................................................................................................................. 131 BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 1 A Phenomenological Photovoice Exploration of Female Exercisers’ Experiences of their Body in Fitness Center Environments Western cultures are preoccupied with the gendered body (i.e., masculinity versus femininity) and emphasize appearance as a cultural value linked with identity and self-worth (see Bordo, 2004). Since the 1970s, failure to obtain the socially-constructed body ideal has led to an increased prevalence of body dissatisfaction, especially among women (Neighbors & Sobal, 2007). Women often attempt to change their body to achieve the feminine standard of thinness and beauty and, although most women will never achieve the cultural body ideal, many relentlessly work toward it through unhealthy diets and exercise (Voelker & Reel, 2015). In general, exercise has well-established physical benefits (e.g., Biddle & Mutrie, 2007), and enhances a range of psychological factors, including body image (Campbell & Hausenblas, 2009). Body image is a complex, multidimensional, psychological experience of embodiment, encompassing body-related self-perceptions, thoughts, feelings, and behaviors (Cash, 2004). Several meta-analyses have explored the effects of exercise on individuals who report body concerns. For example, Reel and colleagues (2007) found that exercise positively affected body image for both men and women, with anaerobic exercise (i.e., weight training) generating a stronger effect than aerobic exercises (i.e., jogging). Similarly, Campbell and Hausenblas (2009) found a significant effect for exercise on body image with no significant differences across several moderating factors, including exercise duration or length of intervention. Although research supports the positive effects of exercise on body image, much of this research focused primarily on exercise as an activity without accounting for the influence of context, or the sociocultural setting, in which exercise is performed. Therefore, to fully understand women’s body image, particularly in relation to exercise, researchers must conceptualize these phenomena BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 2 as environmentally-influenced experiences rooted within a rich sociocultural and historical context (see Cash, 2012). The evolution of the fitness industry developed from the popularity of bodybuilding in the 1970’s (Andreasson & Johansson, 2014) and the social movement brought on by men who stayed home from the Vietnam war (Stern, 2008). Accordingly, fitness centers were established as places that valued the physical dominance of men (Klein, 1993), and prioritized strength training. Through the 1980’s, the feminist movement and the rise of women’s sports (Stern, 2008) encouraged women to engage in exercise for diverse, complex, and often paradoxical reasons. For example, feminist ideology deemed it necessary for women to display physical strength and independence to be perceived as socially empowered (Gottleib, 1981, as seen in Stern, 2008). Simultaneously, the body ideal expectations for women reinforced femininity, sexual attractiveness, and thinness-informed beauty (Silverstein, Peterson, & Perdue, 1986), as reflected in society’s message: ‘…if you only ate better and worked out more, you would be prettier and more successful in life and, especially, with men’ (Stern, 2008, p. 9). In turn, aerobics classes and cardiovascular workouts were recommended as the preferred method of exercise for women due to their emphasis on weight loss and toning (Stern, 2008). The popularity of Jane Fonda’s 1980’s aerobics videos reinforced gender norms in fitness centers, solidifying the expectation that women should use cardiovascular machines and aerobics classes while ‘real’ men engaged in strength training (Dworkin, 2003). Originally, the bodybuilding subculture was exclusively a male domain, however, the feminist movement and a shift in the ideal body has since attracted more women into the strength training areas of fitness centers (Andreasson & Johansson, 2014). Communicated through ‘fitspiration’ messaging, the contemporary ‘fit ideal’ for women depicts increased muscularity, BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 3 characterized by toned, lean physiques and extremely low body fat (Boepple, Ata, Rum, & Thompson, 2016; Parviainen & Aromaa, 2017). Young adult women, approximately one third of whom exercise in fitness centers (Slater & Tiggemann, 2006), are a targeted ‘fitspiration’ audience (see Robinson, Prichard, Nikolaidis, Drummond, Drummond, & Tiggemann, 2017). Fitness centers can offer young adult women an important context to develop a healthy and empowered relationship with exercise that supports a positive body image, and generally, fitness centers intend to create a positive exercise climate. Unfortunately, fitness centers are often characterized by numerous features (e.g., full-length mirrors, posters which idealize the female body) that communicate and reinforce unique appearance pressures for young adult women (Prichard & Tiggemann, 2005). Internalizing these appearance pressures is associated with self objectification or the habitual monitoring of one’s outward appearance (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997), which can contribute to body image concerns and unhealthy weight management practices (e.g., over-exercising, disordered eating; Chang, Pan, & Shu, 2018). Thus far, research on body image demonstrates that fitness centers have a formative impact on young adult women’s exercise experiences (e.g., Prichard & Tiggemann, 2005; 2012), particularly during a critical developmental period where self-consciousness is heightened (Noll & Fredrickson, 1998) and fitness center participation is high (Slater & Tiggemann, 2006). However, few studies have examined socioculturally-informed body experiences specifically within the context of fitness centers. The developmental theory of embodiment (DTE; Piran, 2017) outlines pathways through which women experience their body and presents a rich framework for exploring this phenomenon. DTE encompasses the interactions between women and their social environments and their embodied experiences in those environments. Uniquely, DTE not only addresses negative experiences and pressures but also honors facilitative, BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 4 empowering experiences and social factors, promoting this theory as a holistic framework for exploring young adult women’s complex exercise experiences. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore young adult women’s lived experiences of their body while exercising in fitness centers. The following research questions guided the study: (a) how do young adult women exercisers experience their body (e.g., weight, shape, size, appearance) while exercising in fitness centers? and (b) what specific elements of their fitness center environments do they perceive to positively, and negatively, influence how they experience their body (e.g., weight, shape, size, appearance) within the fitness center setting? Ultimately, this study provides insight on how exercise professionals can advocate for fitness environments that cultivate a healthy body culture and empower young adult women to engage in healthy relationships with themselves and exercise. Methods and Materials An Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) approach (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014), with a Photovoice method (Wang & Burris, 1994; 1997), was used in this study. In accordance with the hermeneutic phenomenology tradition, the first author was interested in historicality (Laverty, 2003); that is, how a person’s lived experience, and understanding of the world, is enmeshed with their historical, cultural, and social contexts (Munhall, 1989). To examine a lived experience within this tradition, detailed descriptions of an individual’s background, pre-understandings, co-constitution, and interpretation provide context for how a person makes meaning of their experiences (Benner & Wrubel, 1989). Background is defined as a personal history – an inextricable part of a person that culture imparts on them from birth – and is used to explain how people can experience similar phenomena in different ways (Kerry & Armour, 2000). Heidegger (1927/1962) used the term pre-understandings to describe the BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 5 structure of a culture as it exists, prior to a person’s interaction with, and interpretation of, that culture. Co-constitution relates to pre-understandings as it highlights the link between a person and the world such that ‘we are constructed by the world in which we live, and, at the same time, we perceive the world from our own experience and background’ (Kerry & Armour, 2000, p. 6). Finally, Heidegger (1927/1962 as cited in Taylor, 1985) argued that every social interaction involves interpretation - humans are self-interpretative beings, constantly redefining the self through acts of interpretation of the culture in which they exist. Consistent with the idiographic approach of IPA (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014), this study was based on photo-elicited, semi structured interviews with a small sample of young adult women recruited through purposive sampling. To capture the real time, lived experience of women’s body experiences in fitness centers, this study used a Photovoice method (Wang, 1999). The Photovoice approach used represents a blended process of photography and narratives to explore social issues (Wang & Burris, 1994; 1997). Photovoice allowed the first author to richly describe and visualize participants’ perceptions of their everyday realities. This was accomplished by allowing participants to (a) document, with personal expression, factors in fitness centers that were integral in their interpretation of their body experiences during exercise and (b) describe, in depth, their lived experience of interacting with those factors through photos captured. Participants Participants were 11 young adult women aged 18-25 years (Mage = 21.8 years) who identified as white (n = 10) and white/Native American (n = 1). As active exercisers, they attended their current fitness center for an average of 1.74 years, exercising 4-7 days per week (M = 4.55 days/week) at college campus recreation centers (n = 3), commercial chains (n = 3), independent studios (n = 2), CrossFit (n = 1), and employee wellness facilities (n = 2) across four BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 6 states (see Table 1). All the participants were former competitive athletes who transitioned into exercising in fitness centers after sport. Two women reported continued participation in competitive sport during the study. Table 1 Demographic Characteristics of Participants Based on Inclusion Criteria Pseudonym Age Occupation Type of Fitness Center Days/week at Fitness Center Sam 25 Employed Full-Time Commercial Chain 3 Lex 23 Graduate Student College Recreation Center 5 Bri 22 Graduate Student Independent Studio 6 Emi 20 Undergraduate Student CrossFit Gym 5 Amy 21 Graduate Student Commercial Chain 4.5 Ali 24 Employed Full Time/Graduate Student Commercial Chain 3 Mya 19 Undergraduate Student Independent Studio 5.5 Eve 24 Employed Full-Time Employee Wellness Facility 5 Zoe 18 Undergraduate Student College Recreation Center 4.5 Ann 20 Undergraduate Student College Recreation Center 4 Kay 24 Employed Full-Time Employee Wellness Facility 4.5 The Interviewer Hermeneutic phenomenology aligns with the first author’s relativist ontological position, (i.e., the interviewer); she acknowledges the existence of multiple realities which are interpreted through the co-construction of experience throughout the participant-researcher exchange (Ponterotto, 2005). The first author participated in elite aesthetic sport for 15 years followed by regular exercise in fitness centers, which was fueled by appearance-focused motives. The first author has a history of a negative relationship with her body and exercise, eating pathology, and exercise dependence. She has since engaged in an active self-growth journey of mindfulness and self-compassion, from which she developed a healthy, empowered identity as a woman in fitness. Additionally, the first author has post-secondary training in mental health counseling and BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 7 is a Certified Personal Trainer with experience training young adult women. Throughout this study, the first author consistently examined her personal assumptions by practicing Le Vasseur’s (2003) stance of persistent curiosity – simultaneously being mindful of her role in the interpretation of the phenomenon while being open to fresh and new perceptions that might occur. This stance of curiosity allowed rich data interpretation as it created a nonjudgmental and compassionate space for the first author and the participants to openly discuss potentially sensitive experiences. Procedure Upon Institutional Review Board approval, convenience and snowball sampling methods were used to identify potential participants. Flyers with eligibility criteria were posted to social media outlets and sent via email to contacts who may know interested participants (e.g., colleges, fitness centers, fitness professionals). Maximum variation sampling (Patton, 2001) was employed relative to type and culture of community-based fitness centers. Interested participants who contacted the first author engaged in a short screening call to confirm eligibility, answer questions, obtain informed consent, and schedule the study. Data collection occurred in two phases: (1) initial phone interview followed by a two-week photography period and (2) a 60-90 minute Skype™ interview followed by member reflections. Each phase was piloted with two young adult female exercisers aged 23 and 25 years old to test the feasibility and clarity of the study protocol; the pilot study informed changes that clarified participant scheduling and photography instructions. Phase 1. The first phase of data collection consisted of audio-recorded phone interviews, guided by a script, to build rapport and understand the participants’ perceptions of physical and cultural aspects of the fitness culture and their individual fitness centers. The initial phone call BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 8 was also used to provide instructions for taking photographs over a two-week period with a digital camera. Instructions were to (a) take pictures with the camera embedded in their cellular smartphone, (b) focus their photography toward the directive prompt that was provided, (c) document additional notes or insights not captured in the photographs using a ‘log book’ (Plunkett, Leipert, & Ray, 2013), and (d) indicate their preference for phone or text reminders during the photography period. These interviews lasted between 17-29 minutes. To complete the two-week photography task, participants were prompted with the ‘photography mission’ (Nykiforuk, Vallianatos, & Nieuwendyk, 2011, p. 109) to ‘take photographs of elements in your fitness center that are encouraging, and discouraging, to how you feel, think, and perceive your body while exercising’. Encouraging was defined as to ‘inspire with courage, spirit, and hope’ (Merriam-Webster, 2020), and discouraging was defined as to ‘make less determined, hopeful, or confident’ (Merriam-Webster, 2020). Minimal direction beyond this prompt was given, nor a minimum number of required photographs, to promote participant-driven exploration. Phase 2. The second phase of data collection consisted of audio-recorded, photo-elicited, semi-structured interviews via Skype™ (i.e., 34-80 minutes in length) to capture participants’ background, pre-understandings, co-constitution and interpretation of the phenomenon. To begin, the first author asked about the participants’ personal histories in relation to exercise (e.g., ‘What motivated you to begin exercising in a fitness center?’), relationship with exercise (e.g., ‘How would you describe how you feel about exercise?’), perceptions of the fitness culture, and motivations for exercising in a fitness center. Second, questions guided participants in describing their photographs using the screen-sharing function of Skype™. To maintain phenomenological consistency, participants were given the freedom to select the most descriptive and salient BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 9 photographs and were prompted to elaborate on the photographs using questions derived from the SHOWeD method, a photovoice approach to interviewing (i.e., ‘What do you see here?’, ‘How does this relate to your life?’, ‘Why does this situation exist?’; Wang, 1999). Third, participants were asked to discuss ideas that may not have been captured through their photography (e.g., ‘What other factors, not captured by photographs, are encouraging to your body image while exercising? Discouraging?’). Finally, participants were encouraged to share their general perceptions of women in fitness (e.g., ‘Reflecting on this experience, what meaning does exercising in a fitness center give your body?’). Upon the completion of phase 2, each participant received a $25 electronic gift card to Amazon.com. Data Analysis Throughout each interview, the first author made reflections on the interview experience including aspects of content, language use, context, and any noteworthy comments related to personal reflexivity (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). All interviews were transcribed verbatim while coding any identifying information with a pseudonym and photo-editing to protect participant confidentiality. Pietkiewicz and Smith’s (2014) practical guide for IPA in qualitative research was followed to analyze the data. In general, IPA provides flexible guidelines which can be adapted to the researchers’ unique research objectives and questions. Phase 1 interview data were used to describe the participants, understand their exercise history, and elucidate their perceptions of the sociocultural context of fitness. Phase 2 interview data were used to give depth, description, and interpretation to the participants’ photographs. Member reflection data were used to reflect the first author’s interpretation and thematic representation of the participants’ experiences back to the participants. BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 10 To analyze the data, the first author engaged in multiple readings and note making of the transcripts and listened to the audio recordings of each interview. Next, the analysis included transforming notes into emergent themes by working mostly from notes to formulate concise phrases that captured a higher level of abstraction while remaining rooted in each participant’s account. The final stage of analysis consisted of seeking relationships and clustering themes where the previously formulated concise phrases were analyzed to seek relationships between phrases. These concise phrases were clustered into themes according to conceptual and interpretative similarities and subthemes were included to capture essential depth and nuance. . Trustworthiness In addition to prolonged engagement and triangulation from multiple data sources (e.g., log books, verbal reflection; Yardley, 2008), the first author developed written case summaries based on interview transcripts, photographs, and analyses to clarify main ideas, note initial interpretations, and identify follow-up questions for clarification and further participant reflection. These case summaries served as the basis for member reflections via phone with each participant and afforded an additional opportunity for the participant and first author to co participate in reflection of interpretation more broadly and the interview data specifically (Smith & McGannon, 2018). All 11 participants were contacted for member reflections; nine responded and completed a phone call lasting 10 to 20 minutes. As the first author shared her interpretations through case descriptions, some of the participants provided additional insight after engaging in more reflection. The first author recorded participants’ comments and insights to the case summaries. Additionally, the third author acted as a ‘critical friend’ at multiple points during the analysis (Smith & McGannon, 2018). The role of a critical friend is to encourage critical BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 11 dialogue between researchers; a theoretical sounding board to reflect on alternative interpretations that might emerge during the analysis process (Smith & McGannon, 2018). The critical friend role provided additional perspective and encouraged the first author’s reflexive approach. Specifically, in reviewing the initial notes of each participant, the third author identified similarities between the raw data and the emergent themes, suggesting that the interpretation required increased rigor. The third author also highlighted similarities in data interpretations across clustering of the emergent themes early in the analysis process, which clarified and refined subsequent steps. Importantly, the third author consistently encouraged the first author’s reflexivity process by asking challenging questions. For example, the first and third authors have a range of body-related experiences in fitness, allowing the third author to offer alternative perspectives for initial interpretations (e.g., Does the participant’s hesitation to answer represent discomfort or reflection? What differentiates the fitness center areas objectively by gender? How? Why are women in this study so strongly driven to find comfort in their fitness center?). This reflective process allowed the first author to maintain perspective on her positioning with the data and maintain alignment with the phenomenon being explored. Finally, the second author completed a series of ‘abridged audits’ conducted in accordance with recommendations from Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2009). These ‘abridged audits’ consisted of the second author (faculty advisor) reviewing a single interview transcript annotated with initial notes and emergent themes. The auditor then critically reviewed the annotations for trustworthiness, transparency, and credibility including a logical step-by-step path from the text to formulation of themes (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, 2009). Four individual abridged audits were completed during the analysis. BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 12 Results and Discussion Through the Photovoice data, participants interpreted, and found meaning in, their body through a shared experience which described power and gender dynamics while exercising in this unique context. In the sections that follow, we elucidate each of the three over-arching themes, namely the sociocultural fitness setting, their fitness experiences, and how they navigated their sense of ‘place’ while exercising in fitness centers. The Fitness Setting through a Sociocultural Lens How the participants experienced their body while exercising was uniquely informed by their perceptions of the fitness culture. This theme, the fitness setting through a sociocultural lens, details the participants’ pre-understandings of the context of fitness – the social, historical, and cultural landscape of fitness from both broader society and within their specific fitness centers. When asked to share their perceptions of the fitness culture broadly, all the participants described appearance expectations communicated by social media (e.g., Instagram). Participants specifically described an unrealistic fit ideal characterized by a muscular body with ‘six pack abs’ (Eve), ‘cuts [sic] in her arms’ (Amy), ‘definition without bulking up’ (Amy), and an ‘hourglass figure - flat stomach’ (Mya) that is also ‘curvy, the way a woman should be’ (Sam). In perpetuating this fit ideal, some participants explained that social media has ‘become more about your appearance and less about the healthy lifestyle’ (Lex). Bri shared: Fitness influencers on Instagram for sure - I’ve seen a negative influence in that [sic] because they’re spewing out all this information and they might not even be a certified personal trainer. They might be extremely fit and say, “you need to do this for your body” and people get discouraged if they don’t look like that. It’s kind of just this negative society. BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 13 These notions are consistent with research examining the fit ideal across ‘fitspiration’ websites, which have been found to overemphasize the importance of appearance and provide controversial recommendations, such as over-exercising and restrictive dieting (Boepple, Ata, Rum, & Thompson, 2016), to which participants in our study were acutely aware. As part of the fit ideal, participants described expectations, communicated by athletic apparel companies, to wear tight, form-fitting, and revealing clothing while exercising. Eve explained: ‘there’s now clothing lines that are geared towards – like you [need to] have this specific body type to pull off, like just a sports bra. When was the last time you cared about what you look like when you’re going to the gym?!’ Ali similarly expressed: ‘…but I just want to wear my black leggings and a big sweatshirt. And then I feel like people are going to judge me…’. This fear of judgement is consistent with literature suggesting that being taken seriously in a fitness environment is associated with wearing ‘purpose-made, gym-specific’ clothing (Sassatelli, 1999, p. 231) and ‘creates a fuzzy line between health and being perfect’ for women (Fisher, Berbary, & Misener, 2018, p. 486), even prior to entering the fitness center to exercise. In pursuit of the fit ideal in the ‘right’ clothes, participants described women’s motivations to exercise as appearance-focused, as Zoe described: ‘I don’t think many girls have ever walked into a gym not because there was something that they wanted to fix’. Mya even noted that individuals will pursue the fit ideal with extreme, self-punishing workouts: ‘People that don’t classify themselves as fit, if they don’t look the part, what they say is “I’m dying at the gym”, or “killing myself at the gym”. They have to hurt themselves to look like that, you know?’ Research suggests that exposure to, and the pursuit of, the fit ideal is associated with a range of negative experiences. Observing ‘fitspiration’ content on social media, for example, has been shown to increase body dissatisfaction in young adult women (Robinson, Prichard, Nikolaidis, BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 14 Drummond, Drummond, & Tiggemann, 2017) while wearing fashionable, tight-fitting clothes has been shown to increase self-objectification and -surveillance (Prichard & Tiggemann, 2005). Participants in the current study recognized that an appearance-focused fitness culture is misguided, such that the fit ideal for women is unrealistic and fails to embrace body diversity. In addition to strict body- and apparel-expectations from broader society, participants also described the presence of strong gender norms in their fitness centers, which were perceived negatively. Zoe noticed how her fitness center was separated by gender-stereotyped exercise modalities: I don’t even know if [the fitness center] says much about women. The main gym is for weightlifting and I don’t really think the way that it’s designed gives a place for women. Conveniently, cardio, which is what a lot of women do, is in a whole separate space and all of the classes are held in completely different areas of the gym. So, I think subconsciously and, hopefully not on purpose, it was designed in a way that put women elsewhere. My guess is that it was probably a – the person who probably did [sic] the layout of the gym was probably a white male. Early literature suggested that fitness centers were historically masculine institutions that prioritized the physical dominance of men (Klein, 1993) and were designed in ways that reinforced gender segregation (Craig & Liberti, 2007). For Ali, the fitness center was experienced in a gender-segregated way which ultimately influenced her early perceptions of where women belong in fitness: …rec center had a lot of different rooms. One room would be cardio, one room would be the weight machines, and then another would be the regular weights. And the room with the regular weights, there was all the big-time weightlifter BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 15 guys and stuff and no girls, so it wasn’t really comfortable going in there, so I’d just stick with the cardio machines - I guess it’s like specific areas for specific people. These findings are consistent with evidence that fitness centers are built in ways that reinforce gender lines and segregation by structurally separating cardiovascular equipment intended for women from weight training machines intended for men (Dworkin, 2003). In sum, the participants’ pre-understandings of the broad fitness culture included strict, appearance-focused body expectations, apparel standards for women, and fitness centers characterized by gender stereotypes and norms which, ultimately, were perceived as unwelcoming to women in fitness. The Fitness Experience Exercising within the context of fitness centers resulted in a complex experience for the participants. Through the Photovoice data, this theme, The Fitness Experience, elucidates common factors, discouraging and then encouraging, of the participants’ fitness centers that influenced how they interacted with the setting and how they experienced their body while exercising there. Discouraging factors. Participants perceived their fitness centers to be dominated by factors that were discouraging to their body experiences while exercising. Participants felt that fitness centers represented a space primed for self-evaluation. The presence of large mirrors, machines, as well as men gazing directly upon women in the weight area were identified as some of the common triggers. As such, the structural aspects of the exercise space itself represented a male-only, hegemonic masculine space which: ‘just turns [women] away, where it’s already like a men’s club. So, you’ve already turned away like 90 percent of women’ (Zoe). For example, Sam captured the masculine-dominated representation on weight machines at her fitness center: BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 16 ‘on all weighted machines - it’s the musculature of a man. It just goes back to being like “oh this is a man’s workout”. Like, fitness is for a man - kind of got a little bit of sexism in there.’ Figure 1 “This is a man’s workout” by Sam The presence of the male musculature on weight machines reinforced the message that weight training is for heteronormative men. Interestingly, the presence of this factor not only perpetuated hegemonic masculinity, but the absence of female representation was noted to increase the risk of self-doubt about belonging in the weight area. When asked to interpret what this meant to her about her exercising body, Sam declared: ‘oh, if I do these exercises I’m going to look like a dude.’ She elaborated on her personal frustrations at the gender expectations placed on women in fitness: ‘I mean, [it’s] like they’re afraid of a strong woman.’ In recent research, women have described this experience as being crowded out of spaces because of hegemonic BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 17 masculinity and, as a result, felt the pressure to minimize their presence in male-dominated areas of the fitness center (Coen, Rosenberg, & Davidson, 2018). In our study, not only was this message communicated by the predominance of male representation on weight machines, but also through the absence of actual equipment designed for women who lift weights. Traditional weightlifting bars are designed differently for men and women. For example, Rogue Fitness (2020) provides a ‘Men’s Ohio’ bar and a ‘Women’s Bella’ bar. The Bella bar is a bar length of 75.13”, bar diameter of 25mm, and weight of 15kg, which is smaller than the men’s Ohio bar which is 86.75” in length, 28.5mm in diameter, and 20kg in weight. The differences are deliberate to accommodate purported differences in center of gravity and weight distribution and differences in hand and grip size between sexes (Rogue, 2020). Zoe, a member of a weightlifting club, photographed the barbells at her fitness center: Figure 2 “They don’t understand the difference” by Zoe BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 18 I don’t know why they won’t just buy women’s bars. The idea that it’s a men club is kind of pushed. Like, “this is a place for like guys to come and lift and get swole” and, you know, a girl at the rig sticks out like a sore thumb. For many of the participants in our study, discomfort and fear of evaluation were salient experiences due to being highly visible as a woman in the male-dominated weight area. Many of the participants also described avoiding certain machines that triggered an uncomfortable, self conscious experience. The assisted pull-up machine was photographed as a salient symbol for this threatening experience. Kay shared her vulnerability related to this machine - fear in her ability to perform the exercise and self-deprecating conclusions about her eating habits, weight, and body if unable to successfully complete a pull-up: Figure 3 “Women can’t do these” by Kay BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 19 I don’t like going on that machine just because I feel like it makes me super self conscious. It’s like, “oh well, you ate too much the past couple of days so that’s why you can’t lift yourself up and that’s why you have to add more”. It actually becomes very, very negative when I have to do that. If you like can do it, it’s like “oh my gosh, you can do a pull-up, that’s amazing”. It kind of qualifies you as a fitness person in my mind. These results elucidated that traditional fitness centers can have a restrictive influence on a woman’s body experience based on the gender norms reinforced. Cockburn and Clarke (2002) found that adolescent girls similarly avoided experiences that either threatened the female identity or challenged one’s ability to measure up to the socially-defined body ideal. For adult women in mixed-gendered gyms, avoidance of exercises may be due to risk, or fear, of not being able to perform the exercise in a confident way (Fisher, Berbary, & Misener, 2018). Given traditional beliefs that women possess upper body strength inferior to men (Miller, MacDougall, Tarnopolsky, & Sale, 1993), it is unsurprising that the women in our study avoided or felt uncomfortable using pullup machines. The perceived dominance of male representation on strength equipment, absence of representation and equipment designed for women, gender norms about strength, and equipment that posed a threat to their identity as a woman contributed to self objectification and self-consciousness about their belonging in a space defined by hegemonic masculinity. Encouraging factors. Although the discussion was dominated by discouraging factors, the participants captured encouraging factors that were perceived to buffer negative experiences while exercising in their fitness centers. Most notably, a learning environment, apparel standards, the freedom to choose empowering exercises and machines, and self-acceptance-based messages BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 20 in the fitness center encouraged positive body experiences while exercising. Emi shared that the combination of scaled workout options guided by a knowledgeable coach at her fitness center neutralized the fear of failing at difficult exercises. In contrast with past experiences at other fitness centers, Emi felt comfortable in her body in this environment because different levels of fitness experience were normalized: Figure 4 “Being guided to success” by Emi On the board, they’ll put scaling options. “Here’s the traditional weight, but also here are some other things that you could do if you’re not comfortable doing that”. I like the teaching slash learning aspect of it, that you’re being guided to success, like you weren’t just – like I walked into [name of past fitness center] and just kind of did whatever I wanted to do. There’s no guidance really. For other participants, a positive body experience included the ability to create, choose, and scale exercises in their workout to meet their personal comfort levels with fitness. Amy captured this freedom to choose in a photograph of a long rack of different sized dumbbells: ‘My favorite BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 21 thing to see at the gym - one of my things to go to first. I can normally do the majority of my workout with free weights; I get creative. It definitely helps body image when like I’ve seen myself increase weight.’ Figure 5 “My favorite thing to see at the gym” by Amy The opportunity to scale workouts and have access to equipment, which fostered the participants’ ability to explore their physical abilities, was encouraged through textual messages on decals in some fitness centers. For example, Ali and Bri highlighted the encouraging experience related to message boards on which facility staff wrote a new message each day. The content was described as self-compassionate, which motivated Ali to practice self-kindness towards her body and exercise in ways that positively served her body: ‘[It means that] I’m at a BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 22 different point than everyone, but like we’re [all] here for maybe the same reason, kind of the same reasons, but like we’re doing what’s best for us.’ Figure 6 “We are [all] doing what’s best for us” by Ali Research exploring the influence of textual messaging in fitness centers suggests that typical language insinuates that if women ‘tried harder’ or ‘pushed themselves’, they could achieve the societal definition of fit and attain the ideal (Fisher, Berbary, & Misener, 2018, p.488). Unfortunately, Fisher and colleagues highlighted that this type of language often creates conflict for women’s experiences with their body. In our study, participants verbalized that language consistent with self-acceptance (e.g., ‘Go on, flex!’, Sam) and self-kindness (e.g., ‘Do more of what makes you happy’, Bri), encouraged a more positive and harmonious existence with their body while exercising. All the participants shared that quotations, decals, and message boards which displayed textual messages of gratitude, self-compassion, and self-acceptance helped them believe their fitness centers challenged negative messaging portrayed by the broader fitness BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 23 culture. Strengthening the support for self-compassion-based messaging, Lex described a sub space within her gym (i.e., separate exercise room) adorned with self-compassion messages as ‘her favorite place’. Ali and Emi, who participated in fitness centers without mirrors (e.g., CrossFit box, cycle studio), also noted that messaging which fostered a culture of self compassion (e.g., ‘Head high and proud. This stuff is hard’, Emi) de-emphasized appearance and emphasized physical effort and performance (e.g., ‘It doesn’t matter where you finish, only that you finish with integrity and give it a solid effort’, Emi). Self-compassion-based messages presented through platforms such as social media have been shown to buffer the internalization of the fit ideal for young adult college women (Slater, Varsani, & Diedrichs, 2017). Our results suggested a similar experience whereby messages directly displayed in fitness centers through posters, decals, and message boards, buffered negative body experiences. Thus, despite the dominance of discouraging factors in the fitness center, participants felt that the presence of self compassion messages challenged their negative thoughts and feelings about their body while exercising. In addition to textual messages which encouraged self-compassion and body acceptance, fitness centers that included efforts to moderate apparel standards were perceived as encouraging. For Lex, an enforced dress code minimized the pressure to wear tight, form fitting clothes and encouraged comfort in her own skin: BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 24 Figure 7 A space for “all body shapes and all body sizes” by Lex When I see those people I am immediately self-conscious or I’m like you know “I wish I looked like that”. I just think [the dress code] is more inclusive to all people….I think that they were just trying to create a space where everyone feels comfortable. I’m ten times more confident knowing I won’t see any of the [negative influencers]. Lex elaborated on how clothing played a key role in how she perceived herself and other women in the fitness center. The enforcement of a dress code minimized body comparison for Lex because it encouraged participation of women of all shapes and sizes. Craig and Liberti (2007) described that representation of all women in fitness centers can help promote health as a state of being, not as a particular body type. In our study, participants felt that an established dress code BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 25 in the fitness center encouraged the participation of women of all ages, shapes, and backgrounds, deemphasized a singular body ideal, and supported body acceptance. Navigating Their ‘Place’ The participants’ experience with the discouraging and encouraging factors in their fitness centers influenced how they used the space itself as well as the meaning they attributed to their bodies while exercising. Several of the participants preferred an exercise environment which supported their freedom to choose exercises and workouts. Unfortunately, most fitness centers are designed to segregate spaces. Therefore, most of the participants described navigating this barrier by seeking out a subspace in the facility characterized, by what they labeled, as ‘comfortable’. The word ‘comfortable’ arose repeatedly across our participants’ experiences and, in this context, comfort represented the absence of conflict. In prior research, comfort in women only fitness centers is provided by an organizational culture of nonjudgement (Craig & Liberti, 2007); however, in many mixed-gender fitness centers, a culture of non-judgement is not prioritized. To navigate negative experiences, participants in this study chose to, when possible, exercise in non-threatening spaces to lessen risk of objectification, embarrassment, or judgement. This was predominately achieved by secluding oneself in a private room, free of others. For example, Mya described hiding in the group exercise room during workouts: BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 26 Figure 8 “Comfortable in this space” by Mya Note: photo editing included blurring using Photoshop to de-identify individual. You might be doing an exercise that might not be the cutest one, you know glutes, like hip thrusts and stuff are actually – they’re pretty awkward to do in front of people. When my face gets really red and I’m like dead-sweating, no one can see and so, it’s – I just feel like 100% in my zone and focused. Researchers have noted that seeking comfortable subspaces is a common negotiating strategy for women in fitness centers (Fisher, Berbary, & Misener, 2018). Fisher and colleagues found that negotiating a constraint does not necessarily ensure participant enjoyment or remove the barriers that adult women face. Piran’s (2017) DTE describes a dimension of body connection and comfort, the quality of the connection to the body, as either comfortable or problematic. Aligned with Piran’s theory, participants in this study experienced salient body disconnection and discomfort in the segregated structure of the weight-area of the fitness center and actively sought spaces which afforded a more positive experience of embodiment, consistent with the body BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 27 connection and comfort dimension of the theory. There were participants who felt discouraged by the need to seek a comfortable subspace in the fitness center, especially when engaging in exercises believed to further objectify women’s bodies or go beyond the bounds of acceptable femininity. In contrast, a few participants in our study perceived this negotiating strategy as an opportunity: ‘That can be as exciting as you want it to be, but as calm. Sometimes having the empty space to yourself is encouraging; you can do your own thing without feeling judgement or consideration towards anyone else’s space’ (Eve). This finding suggests that the provision of private spaces in the fitness center may be the encouraging factor that some women need to participate in fitness. Markula (2003) described exercisers that continue to participate according to gender lines, while also questioning the body ideals promoted by the fitness industry, as conflicted conformists. Because it represents the path of least resistance, many individuals accept and internalize exercise gender norms (Lorber, 2010). The acceptance of gender lines in the weight area ultimately deterred Kay from performing complex exercises that she had learned through years of sports participation. In a hegemonic masculine environment, she felt afraid of taking up space, negatively influencing her confidence in performing mastered exercises: BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 28 Figure 9 “Maybe they should have it instead of me” by Kay Using platforms and barbells is something I’ve always been proud of being able to do, just because I had to do it for sports. I tend to actually stay away from them because I feel like they’re kind of the center of attention. Everyone is facing that area and I don’t want to take up too much of someone else’s time if they’re waiting for it – especially if they’re lifting more than I am so I feel like maybe they should have it instead of me and I can go just use dumbbells or something like that. The participants in our study changed their exercise routine to adhere to established gender norms by establishing their ‘place’ in a private subspace of the facility or by avoiding exercises they had mastered. Unfortunately, these spatial practices, like the ones described by our BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 29 participants, further reinforce power relations, gender norms, and the spatial privilege of hegemonic masculinity (Coen, Rosenberg, & Davidson, 2018). Furthermore, how women use the exercise space is consistent with the agency and functionality dimension of Piran’s (2017) DTE. Piran suggests that young adult women who are able to maintain agency in their physical environment, through physical ability and functionality, report more positive embodiment experiences. Restrictions in the exercise space may lead to a restricted physical expression which is associated with the loss of valued experience of competence (Piran, 2017). In this study, barriers to agency and functionality, a critical component of a positive embodiment experience, were represented through Kay’s experience of being forced to utilize the fitness center in restrictive ways. A few of the participants in our study consciously rejected the prescribed gender lines of their fitness center and configured their workouts as demonstrations to advocate for a place for women in the weight areas. For example, Amy navigated her fitness center by entering the male dominated weight area on a regular basis to communicate that women can capably lift weights: I want to be strong and I want to be independent. I mean, I’m not saying I’m nearly close to outlifting any of those guys, but to know – like when I’m carrying a heavy box and they’re like “oh let me take that from you”, and I can be like, “no, I’m perfectly capable”. Amy highlighted that she was often the only woman in the weight area of the gym, which resulted in an uncomfortable experience. However, in contrast to some of the participants, she believed her responsibility as a woman in fitness was to advocate for the representation of women in the weight areas. She did acknowledge that she experienced perceived – and sometimes obvious – social sanctions for her efforts: BODY EXPERIENCES OF FEMALE EXERCISERS IN FITNESS CENTERS 30 There is a lot of men back there and they’re all huge guys. I went up to the bench beside this one guy and he just gives me this funny look, like “what are you doing back here” and I go grab some weight and start lifting while he’s still just sitting there like “what are you doing?” Previous researchers have described this form of advocacy as crossing the gendered lines – the social and structural boundaries separating gendered activities and spaces (Coen, Rosenberg, & Davidson, 2018). Furthermore, using the body as protest, resistance, and defiance towards ‘normative’ pressures is suggested by Piran (2017) as a critical component of a positive experience of embodiment, which aligns with one’s need for comfort, safety, and joy in one’s body. Perhaps this resistance also helps strengthen one’s identity as a strong, active person. For our participants, these overt efforts were both empowering and difficult to sustain in the face of embedded masculinity and stereotypes about women in fitness. These results elucidate that women are aware of the gend